20:38:01	 From Oleg Belyaev : Such postposing of arguments after the verb also seems to often occur when there is  conjunction like "xu" and another clause following (according to Daria Chistyakova's data)
20:38:17	 From Oleg Belyaev : (sorry, I have no mic or camera so have to write in the chat :( )
20:39:10	 From Oleg Belyaev : yes, this especially occurs in complex verbs but I thought it was also possible with direct objects (maybe I'm mistaken though)
20:39:21	 From Oleg Belyaev : Dasha may comment on this, perhaps :)
20:44:40	 From Agnes Korn : "mich fröstelt" is not "I'm shaking"; it's "I'm cold" (frösteln being a diminutive-type verb belonging to Frost)
20:55:17	 From Oleg Belyaev : I don't think infinitival complements are a good argument because these have null PRO, and xu is coreferential with this PRO subject rather than the main-clause dative NP
20:56:14	 From Oleg Belyaev : you can also try putting the dative-subject complement in an infinitival clause position ("he started PRO to want" etc.) -- this is possible for genitive subjects in Ossetic
20:56:49	 From Agnes Korn : There is a rather extensive discussion of subject-hood & tests in Thomas Jügels book on ergativity (https://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de/Die_Entwicklung_der_Ergativkonstruktion_im_Alt-_und_Mitteliranischen/titel_1085.ahtml)
20:57:35	 From Oleg Belyaev : right!
21:22:44	 From Vladimir Plungian : ů is definitely not back, our data confirm it
21:25:28	 From Даша Чистякова : examples of word order violations in the sequence of clauses:

in the clause before 'xu' SVO is possible:

*Naǰiba=yi wīn-t Safina
Najiba=3SG see-PST Safina
‘Najiba saw Safina’ (elic. 2021)

(ok) Naǰiba=yi wīn-t Safina=xu salům=i čū-d
 Najiba=3SG see-PSTSafina= CNJ greeting=3SG do-PST
‘‘Najiba saw Safina and greeted her’ (elic. 2021)

=i can be placed at the last constituent in the clause before 'xu': 

daδ  wi wazir di x̌ud=i=xu 
then D3.M.SG.O vizier D2.M.SG.O hear-PST=3SG=CNJ
x̌uš su-t
delight become-PST
‘Then his vizier heard about it and was delighted’ (elic. 2021)

postverbal Goal after the verb that follows 'xu'
Yi meθ yi mūysafedik yi bebun cimūd 
one day one old.man one bottomless basket
wof-t =xu yês-t tar wi boǰakzor.
weave-PST =CNJ place-PST EQ D3.M.SG.O hazel.bush
‘And then one day an old man wove a basket without a bottom and left it in a 
hazel bush’. (“A young bear thief”, corpus)
21:34:30	 From Clinton Parker : garmi
ki