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Руководство
Заместитель руководителя Ахапкина Яна Эмильевна

Редакторы сайта — Наталья Борисовна Пименова, Татьяна Брисовна Казакова, Максим Олегович Бажуков, Юлия Геннадьевна Бадрызлова

Глава в книге
Languages examined or referred to in the present book

Creissels D., Zúñiga F., Moroz G.

In bk.: Applicative Constructions in the World's Languages. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, 2024. P. 61-73.

Препринт
Grammar in Language Models: BERT Study

Chistyakova K., Kazakova Tatiana.

Linguistics. WP BRP. НИУ ВШЭ, 2023. No. 115.

Доклад Екатерины Шнитке на семинаре лаборатории языковой конвергенции

Мероприятие завершено

На семинаре лаборатории языковой конвергенции 15 января выступит Екатерина Шнитке с докладом «Sequence of tenses in Russian? Tense choice in complement clauses in Standard and Learner Russian». Семинар состоится в 16:00 в аудитории Б-421.

Аннотация доклада:

It is generally believed that Russian has no sequence of tenses (SoT) in complement clauses, and the choice of absolute tense over relative is considered to be a typical error in the interlanguage of non-standard speakers of Russian as a foreign language whose native language features SoT, e.g. English. However, all uses of absolute tense in Learner Russian cannot qualify as errors, since Standard Russian shows a great deal of variation in tense assignment in complement clauses. One of the factors  that is said to govern tense choice is the semantics of the matrix verb (Barentsen, 1996; Гиро-Вебер, 1975, Schlenker, 2003,  inter alia).  Specifically, speech and mental verbs are said to strictly require the relative tense, whereas sensory, emotion, and existential matrix verbs allow for both absolute and relative tense patterns. Despite the acknowledged variation, the precise distributional patterns of tenses in complement clauses have been understudied. This paper is a systematic corpus-based study  of  the variation in tense choice across the semantic classes of the matrix verbs in two language varieties: (i) Standard Russian as represented in the Russian National Corpus  and  (ii) Learner Russian of anglophone speakers as represented in the Russian Learner Corpus. I examine those clausal complexes where the matrix verb in the past tense and the verb of the complement clause denote simultaneous actions.

The analysis identified a likelihood hierarchy of verbal semantic classes ranging from the least likely to tolerate past tense in the complement clauses to the most likely ones: speech<mental<sensory≈emotion<existential.  Predictably, learners’ interlanguage has demonstrated an expressed preference for the past tense in complement clauses.  Remarkably,  though, the above  hierarchy holds for Learner Russian as well. Moreover, the hierarchy strongly correlates with implicational hierarchies of interclausal  bondedness maintained in typological studies (Givón 1980, Foley & Van Valin 1984,  Gast & Diessel 2012).